數位天下與專制慾望
Digital Tianxia and the Authoritarian Desire
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3 10:10–11:00 | 數位天下與專制慾望 HB106A(光復) 3 節連堂 |
4 11:10–12:00 | |
N 12:20–13:10 |
* 根據陽明交大上課時間表所列
主旨 冷戰結束後曾出現短暫的「民主擴張期」,然而進入二十一世紀以來,全球政治逐漸呈現出明顯的專制回潮與民主倒退。這一現象不再僅限於少數非民主國家,而是以不同形式出現在多種制度環境之中:從東歐與中亞的選舉型威權政體,到中東與拉丁美洲的安全化治理,再到亞洲高度制度化的國家治理體系,專制傾向逐漸透過法律、行政、科技與敘事策略嵌入日常治理之中。即使在原本被視為制度成熟的民主國家,例如美國在川普政府時期所呈現的政治實踐,也顯示出某些專制治理技術可以在民主制度內部逐步浮現。 本課程將延續本人最新著作,Tianxia and Its Discontents: Confucian Political Theology, Coloniality, and the Global Order (Routledge 2026),從跨學科的理論視角繼續深入探討天下治理背後的慾望。本課程的核心假設是:專制並不僅僅是一種政體分類,而是一種政治慾望與治理邏輯。在社會不安、經濟轉型與地緣政治競爭加劇的條件下,社會與政治精英之間可能逐漸形成對秩序、集中權力與全面治理的需求,這種需求構成了本文所稱的專制慾望。當這種慾望與特定的行政技術、法律機制與治理工具結合時,便可能形成一套跨制度運作的治理模式。 在歷史層面,本課程將回溯中國帝制特別是盛清時期所發展的專制治理模式。透過人口治理、思想控制、邊疆管理與官僚行政體系等制度,帝國政權建立了一套高度集中且制度化的治理技術,使中央權力得以管理廣大疆域與多樣人口。這些歷史治理技術構成理解當代治理轉型的重要參照。 在當代層面,本課程將進一步分析數位基礎設施如何改寫治理技術。資料系統、演算法治理、人工智慧與全球數位網絡,使得人口監測、資訊整合與行政管理的能力大幅提升。這些技術並不必然導致專制體制,但它們顯著擴大了專制慾望得以實現的技術條件。透過對中國數位絲路與全球數位基礎設施擴張的案例分析,本課程將探討一個更宏觀的問題:當專制慾望、治理技術與數位基礎設施相互交織時,是否正在形成一種新的全球治理形態——本人稱之為數位天下(Digital Tianxia)。 本課程因此嘗試從政治理論、歷史制度與科技基礎設施三個層面,重新思考二十一世紀權力運作的方式,以及專制治理在數位時代的可能轉型。 本門課要探討以下問題: 核心議題: 為何21世紀出現了大量專制治理的傾向?我們如何從美國川普政府分析其專制化治理特性?匈牙利、俄國、土耳其、伊朗、中亞國家、中國及其他威權體制國家有什麼共性? 如何理解專制?目前對於專制體制的研究是否能夠讓我們思考專制治理的模式?例如Hanna Arendt (1968) The Origins of Totalitarianism,Theodor W. Adorno (1969) The Authoritarian Personality,Levitsky & Ziblatt(2018) How Democracies Die,Milan W. Svolik(2012, 2019)The Politics of Authoritarian Rule,Anne Applebaum(2020)Twilight of Democracy,以及其他大量快速增加的研究,能否解釋專制治理背後的慾望? 中國帝制如何執行其專制治理的模式?我們將從五個模組來討論中國帝制的專制治理技術:人口治理、思想治理、邊疆治理、官商貪腐的資本集中、行政擴張的域外管轄。這些治理技術如何以傅柯的《安全、領土、人口》來理解? 中國21世紀的數位絲路如何展現了其專制慾望?我們要探討數位絲路、演算法以及AI如何刺激並增強了專制慾望,並完善了其專制治理技術。傅柯的《安全、領土、人口》如何在數位時代被改寫? 每週討論問題(Discussion Questions) Week 1|導論 專制回潮與數位天下 數位基礎設施是否正在重組全球治理秩序? 「數位天下」是否可以成為理解二十一世紀權力的新概念? Week 2|數位絲路與全球基礎設施 中國一帶一路以及數位絲路的數位基礎設施如何成為地緣政治工具? 技術標準與網路基礎設施如何擴展國家影響力? Week 3|中國帝制治理:人口與行政 中國帝制如何管理龐大人口與廣大疆域? 戶籍制度與官僚行政體系如何形成治理網絡? Week 4|盛清時期的思想治理與文化控制 帝國政權如何透過思想與知識管理維持統治? 文化與知識制度在治理中扮演何種角色? Week 5|邊疆治理與帝國秩序 歷代帝國如何管理邊疆民族與多元疆域? 盛清時期如何大幅擴張領土?邊疆治理如何影響帝國的政治想像? Week 6|治理性 傅柯的《安全、領土、人口》如何協助我們理解現代國家透過治理術管理人口與社會的技術? 治理術如何改變我們理解權力的方式? Week 7|為何二十一世紀出現「專制回潮」的全球趨勢? 民主制度內部如何可能出現專制治理傾向? Week 8|競爭式威權政體與民主制度下的專制治理 「威權體制」與「專制治理」在理論上有何差異? 將專制理解為治理技術而非政體分類,會帶來什麼新的分析視角?如何理解民主制度下出現的專制治理模式? Week 9|專制慾望的政治心理 社會在何種條件下會產生對集中權力與秩序的需求? 專制慾望如何在政治敘事與民粹動員中被激發? Week 10|民主制度下民粹主義與專制治理的關聯 民主制度如何可能逐步出現「專制化」的治理模式? 美國川普政府的治理實踐可以如何理解? Week 11|演算法治理術 演算法如何改變了知識與權力的關係? 演算法如何透過數據模式操作其治理術? Week 12|監視體系與資本權力 數位官僚體系與監視系統之間如何互動? 行政權力與資本集中之間有何關係? Week 13|物流部署與基礎建設 物流、數據、平台與演算法如何改變治理方式? 基礎建設如何創造新的權力形態? Week 14|AI、數據殖民治理技術 數據提取如何促成了新型態的殖民治理模式? 人工智慧如何影響國家治理與社會控制?是否加強專制治理能力? Week 15|期末報告
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無備註
Final Research Paper Topics Students are required to write a research paper of approximately 6,000–8,000 words. Papers should engage with the theoretical themes of the course and develop a critical analysis based on historical, theoretical, or empirical research. The following topics are suggested as possible directions; students may also propose their own research topics in consultation with the instructor. 1. Authoritarian Desire and Political Theory The political psychology of authoritarian desire: From classical political theory to contemporary populism. Crisis, insecurity, and the appeal of authoritarian leadership in modern societies. Authoritarian desire and the politics of order, hierarchy, and sovereignty. 2. Authoritarian Tendencies within Democratic Systems Authoritarian governing techniques within democratic institutions. Legal and administrative mechanisms of democratic backsliding. The governance practices of the Trump administration and the transformation of democratic norms. 3. Historical Forms of Despotic Governance Governing techniques in imperial China: population administration, ideological control, and frontier management. Administrative centralization and imperial sovereignty in the High Qing period. Comparative perspectives on imperial governance and modern state power. 4. Technology and Governance Data governance and state power in the digital age. Algorithmic governance and administrative decision-making. Artificial intelligence and the transformation of political authority. 5. Digital Infrastructure and Geopolitics Digital infrastructure as an instrument of geopolitical influence. The Digital Silk Road and the global diffusion of governance technologies. Technological standards, network infrastructures, and sovereignty in the digital era. 6. Theoretical Approaches Reconsidering authoritarianism as a political desire rather than a regime type. Desire–Technique–Infrastructure: Toward a new framework for analyzing political power. Digital Tianxia as a concept for understanding emerging forms of global governance. 期末研究報告題目建議(Research Paper Topics) 學生需撰寫一篇 6000–8000 字研究論文,可從以下主題選擇或自行提出題目: 一、專制慾望與政治理論 專制慾望的政治心理:從現代政治理論到當代民粹政治 危機政治與專制治理的吸引力 二、民主制度中的專制化 民主制度中的專制治理技術:法律、行政與政治敘事 川普政府的治理實踐與民主制度的專制化問題 三、帝制治理的歷史分析 盛清帝國的治理技術:人口、思想與邊疆治理 帝國行政體系與權力集中:比較歷史分析 四、科技與治理 數據治理與國家權力:數位監控與人口管理 AI治理與政治權力:演算法與行政決策 五、數位基礎設施與全球政治 數位絲路與全球技術治理 數位基礎設施與主權權力 六、理論研究 專制慾望—治理技術—基礎設施權力:新的政治理論框架 數位天下作為全球政治秩序的概念
Readings for MA students: 2 articles Readings for PhD students: 3 or more 學期作業、考試、評量 Course Requirements Seminar participation – 20% Weekly reading reflections – 20% Research presentation – 20% Final research paper (6000–8000 words) – 40%
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| 第 1 週 | Week 1 Introduction: Authoritarian Resurgence in the 21st Century and Digital Tianxia Instructor’s lecture: Digital Tianxia and Authoritarian Desire Readings 1. Instructor paper: Digital Tianxia and Authoritarian Desire 2. Paulo Freire’s Critical Pedagogy (selection) Summary: The course concludes by synthesizing the themes of authoritarian desire, governing techniques, and infrastructural power into the concept of Digital Tianxia. Discussion Questions: 1. What is Tianxia? 2. Can digital infrastructure enable new forms of imperial governance? 3. Does the concept of Digital Tianxia help explain emerging global power structures? 4. What does Paulo Freire’s Critical Pedagogy teach us about our research projects? |
| 第 2 週 | Week 2 The Digital Silk Road: Infrastructure, Data Governance, and Geopolitical Order Readings: 1. E. Oreglia, “The Digital Silk Road between National Rhetoric and Provincial Ambitions,” The China Quarterly(2025) 2. Matthew S. Erie and Thomas Streinz, “The Beijing Effect: China’s ‘Digital Silk Road’ as Transnational Data Governance,” NYU Journal of International Law and Politics 54, no. 1(2021): 1–92. [Introduction, Parts II–III, Conclusion] 3. Rebecca Arcesati and Jacob Gunter, “‘The Digital Silk Road’: A Growing Priority for Beijing as Its Tech Champions Expand Overseas,” MERICS China Global Competition Tracker, no. 1(2024) Extended Readings: 1. Rolland, Nadège. 2021. “A New World Order According to Beijing.” 2. Hillman, Jonathan E. 2021. The Digital Silk Road: China’s Quest to Wire the World and Win the Future. Introduction. Summary: These readings approach China’s Digital Silk Road not as a coherent strategy imposed by a unitary state, but as a heterogeneous infrastructural assemblage produced through interactions among central policy narratives, provincial ambitions, state-supported enterprises, private technology companies, and host-country governments. By supplying telecommunications networks, submarine cables, data centres, cloud services, artificial intelligence, and digital platforms, Chinese actors do more than extend material connectivity: they participate in reorganizing data flows, regulatory authority, technological standards, and the capacity of states to render populations and territories digitally governable. The Digital Silk Road therefore constitutes a strategic site where commercial expansion, developmental aspirations, data sovereignty, and competing visions of global digital order converge. Discussion Questions: 1. How do central policies, provincial ambitions, corporate strategies, and host-country demands interact in the making of the Digital Silk Road? 2. How does control over digital infrastructure translate into geopolitical power and regulatory influence? 3. What governance models travel with infrastructure, and how are they modified by recipient countries? 4. Does the Digital Silk Road produce technological dependence, developmental capacity, digital coloniality—or some combination of all three? |
| 第 3 週 | Week 3 Imperial Governance: Frontier, Knowledge, and Coloniality Readings: 1. Peter C. Perdue, “Empire and Nation in Comparative Perspective: Frontier Administration in Eighteenth-Century China,” Journal of Early Modern History 5, no. 4 (2001): 282–304. 2. Hostetler, Laura. “Qing Connections to the Early Modern World: Ethnography and Cartography in Eighteenth-Century China.” Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 3 (2000): 623–62. http://www.jstor.org/stable/313143. 3. Millward, James A. 2024. “How ‘Chinese Dynasties’ Periodization Works with the ‘Tribute System’ and ‘Sinicization’ to Erase Diversity and Euphemize Colonialism in Historiography of China,” The Historical Journal 67: 151-160 Extended Readings: 1. Bijia Chen, Cameron Campbell, Yuxue Ren, and James Lee, “Big Data for the Study of Qing Officialdom: The China Government Employee Database–Qing (CGED-Q),” Journal of Chinese History 4, no. 2 (2020): 431–460. 2. Peter C. Perdue, “Introduction,” Ch. 6 & 7. China Marches West 中國西征 (NYCU Library: DS754 P 47 2005) 3. Hostetler, Laura. 2001. Qing Colonial Enterprise: Ethnography and Cartography in Early Modern China. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. (NYCU Library: GN635.C5 H 67 2001) 4. Philip A. Kuhn, Origins of the Modern Chinese State (chapter) (NYCU Library: DS754.17 K 8413 2002) |孔恩 中国现代国家的起源 (571.12 1260) Summary: These readings examine Qing imperial governance as a differentiated and knowledge-intensive system of rule. Rather than treating the Qing simply as another “Chinese dynasty,” they analyze how the empire administered heterogeneous frontiers, rendered territories and populations legible through cartography and ethnography, and incorporated diverse peoples through differentiated institutions. They also question how the historiographical categories of “dynasty,” “Sinicization,” and the “tribute system” have obscured military conquest, colonial expansion, and the multiethnic character of the Qing Empire. Discussion Questions: 1. How did the Qing govern different territories and populations without incorporating them into a uniform administrative system? 2. How did cartography and ethnography render imperial territories and populations legible and governable? 3. In what sense can Qing expansion and frontier administration be understood as colonial? 4. How do the categories of “Chinese dynasty,” “Sinicization,” and the “tribute system” shape—or distort—our understanding of empire? 5. What are the continuities and differences between imperial practices of legibility and contemporary data-driven governance? |
| 第 4 週 | Week 4 — State Capacity and Qing Governance: Fiscal Extraction, Bureaucracy, and the Low-Tax State Readings 1. Ma, Debin. 2013. “State Capacity and Great Divergence: The Case of Qing China (1644–1911).” Eurasian Geography and Economics 54 (5–6): 484–499. 2. Ma, Debin, and Jared Rubin. 2019. “The Paradox of Power: Principal-Agent Problems and Fiscal Capacity in Absolutist Regimes.” Journal of Comparative Economics 47 (3): 563–578. 3. von Glahn, Richard. 2020. “Modalities of the Fiscal State in Imperial China.” Journal of Chinese History 4 (1): 1–29. Extended Readings 1. Sng, Tuan-Hwee. 2014. “Size and Dynastic Decline: The Principal-Agent Problem in Late Imperial China, 1700–1850.” Explorations in Economic History 54: 107–127. 2. Guan, Hanhui, Debin Ma, and Runzhuo Zhai. 2023. “State Capacity in Imperial China: Quantifying a Millennium.” Working paper. 3. Zelin, Madeleine. 1984. The Magistrate’s Tael: Rationalizing Fiscal Reform in Eighteenth-Century Ch’ing China. Selected chapter. Summary These readings examine the fiscal and administrative foundations of Qing state capacity. Despite centralized political authority, the Qing state maintained low formal taxation, a small bureaucracy, and limited fiscal penetration into local society. The readings explain this paradox through information asymmetries, principal–agent problems, informal taxation, and the difficulties of governing a vast empire. They also question whether the European fiscal-military state should provide the universal standard for evaluating state capacity. Qing governance thus appears as a distinctive combination of centralized sovereignty, limited infrastructural reach, delegated local administration, and negotiated extraction. Discussion Questions 1. Why did centralized political authority not produce greater fiscal capacity in Qing China? 2. How did principal–agent problems and informal taxation shape Qing governance? 3. In what respects was the Qing state strong, and in what respects was its infrastructural reach limited? 4. Should the European fiscal-military state serve as the universal standard for evaluating Qing state capacity? |
| 第 5 週 | Week 5 From Empire to Sovereignty: Territory, International Law, and the Making of Modern China Readings 1. Duara, Prasenjit. 2016. “Empire in the Age of Nationalism.” In The Imperial Challenge: Southeast Asia and Japan in the Larger Context, 15–24. 2. Li, Andy Hanlun. 2022. “From Alien Land to Inalienable Parts of China: How Qing Imperial Possessions Became the Chinese Frontiers.” European Journal of International Relations 28 (2): 237–262. 3. Carrai, Maria Adele. 2017. “Learning Western Techniques of Empire: Republican China and the New Legal Framework for Managing Tibet.” Leiden Journal of International Law 30 (4): 801–824. Extended Readings 1. Duara, Prasenjit. 2003. Sovereignty and Authenticity: Manchukuo and the East Asian Modern. Introduction or Chapter 1. 2. Perdue, Peter C. 2005. China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. Introduction or Conclusion. 3. Kuzuoglu, Ulug. 2025. “Wireless Nation: Infrastructural Politics of Tibetan and Mongolian Morse Codes in China.” Modern Asian Studies. Summary These readings explore how the differentiated and overlapping spaces of the Qing Empire were transformed into the bounded territory of modern China. They examine how national authenticity, cartography, international law, and infrastructure converted imperial possessions into supposedly inalienable national territory. Modern sovereignty thus did not simply replace empire; it preserved and reconfigured imperial space through the legal and political languages of national unity, territorial integrity, and exclusive jurisdiction. Discussion Questions 1. How does imperial sovereignty differ from the uniform and exclusive territorial sovereignty of the modern nation-state? 2. How were Qing imperial possessions transformed into supposedly inalienable parts of China? 3. Did modern sovereignty dismantle empire, or did it preserve imperial space in a new legal and political form? 4. How did international law, cartography, and infrastructure contribute to the territorialization of China? |
| 第 6 週 | Week 6 Territory, Population, and Security: Colonialism, Biopower, and State Racism Readings 1. Foucault, Michel. 2007. Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1977–1978. Lectures of 11, 18, and 25 January 1978, pp. 1–86. 2. Foucault, Michel. 2003. “Society Must Be Defended”: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1975–1976. Lectures of 28 January and 17 March 1976, pp. 65–85 and 239–263. 3. Stoler, Ann Laura. 1995. Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault’s History of Sexuality and the Colonial Order of Things. Introduction or Chapter 1. Extended Readings 1. Foucault, Michel. 2007. Security, Territory, Population. Lecture of 1 February 1978, pp. 87–114. 2. Foucault, Michel. 2003. “Society Must Be Defended”. Lectures of 21 January and 4 February 1976. 3. Mbembe, Achille. 2003. “Necropolitics.” Public Culture 15 (1): 11–40. 4. Lemke, Thomas. 2011. Biopolitics: An Advanced Introduction. Selected chapter. Summary These readings examine the interconnected production of territory, population, and security through conquest, classification, circulation, and regulation. Territory is approached not merely as sovereign possession but as a space produced through military incorporation, settlement, partition, and infrastructure. Population is constituted through registration, racialized classification, demographic intervention, and the differentiation of assimilable from unassimilable subjects. Security operates through the continuous identification, anticipation, and stabilization of threats. Bringing Security, Territory, Population into conversation with Society Must Be Defended reveals how colonial conquest and state racism divide populations between lives to be fostered and lives exposed to displacement, abandonment, or death. Discussion Questions 1. How are territory, population, and security produced through conquest, circulation, classification, and regulation? 2. How do colonial rule and state racism divide populations between lives to be fostered and lives exposed to displacement, abandonment, or death? 3. Is colonialism an application of modern governmentality, or one of its constitutive historical conditions? 4. How might territorial incorporation, population registration, and racialized security be reassembled under contemporary digital governance? |
| 第 7 週 | Week 7 — Authoritarian Resurgence: Democratic Backsliding, Autocratic Legalism, and Authoritarian Desire Readings 1. Bermeo, Nancy. 2016. “On Democratic Backsliding.” Journal of Democracy 27 (1): 5–19. 2. Scheppele, Kim Lane. 2018. “Autocratic Legalism.” University of Chicago Law Review 85 (2): 545–584. 3. Brown, Wendy. 2018. “Neoliberalism’s Frankenstein: Authoritarian Freedom in Twenty-First-Century ‘Democracies’.” Critical Times 1 (1): 60–79. Extended Readings 1. Wunsch, Natasha, et al. 2025. “The Demand Side of Democratic Backsliding: How Divergent Understandings of Democracy Shape Political Choice.” British Journal of Political Science. 2. Ekiert, Grzegorz. 2023. “Democracy and Authoritarianism in the 21st Century: A Sketch.” 3. Osborne, Danny, et al. 2023. “The Psychological Causes and Societal Consequences of Authoritarianism.” Nature Reviews Psychology 2: 220–232. Summary Authoritarian resurgence unfolds not only through the destruction of democratic institutions but through their gradual legal and affective transformation. These readings examine democratic backsliding, the use of law to consolidate executive authority, and the popular desires that sustain authoritarian politics. Resentment, wounded entitlement, and fantasies of restored order can lead subjects to demand freedom from democratic restraint while authorizing coercion against racialized, political, and social others. Discussion Questions 1. What distinguishes contemporary democratic backsliding from classical authoritarian takeover? 2. How can law and constitutional reform become technologies for dismantling democracy? 3. What forms of resentment, wounded entitlement, and desire sustain popular support for authoritarian politics? 4. How can demands for freedom coexist with support for coercion, exclusion, and punitive sovereignty? |
| 第 8 週 | Week 8 — Competitive Authoritarianism in Comparative Perspective Readings 1. Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way, “Elections Without Democracy: The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism,” Journal of Democracy 13, no. 2 (2002): 51–65. 2. Milan W. Svolik, “Polarization versus Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 30, no. 3 (2019): 20–32. 3. Anna Lührmann and Staffan I. Lindberg, “A Third Wave of Autocratization Is Here: What Is New About It?” Democratization 26, no. 7 (2019): 1095–1113. Extended Reading and Comparative Resource Marina Nord, Ana Good God, and Staffan I. Lindberg, Democracy Report 2026: Unraveling the Democratic Era? V-Dem Institute, 2026. Students should consult the country profile and relevant indicators for a country or region of their choice. Summary This week examines competitive authoritarianism as both a regime type and a comparative problem. The readings analyze how formally democratic institutions can coexist with systematic incumbent advantages, and how polarization may lead citizens to tolerate authoritarian practices for partisan or group interests. Through student-selected cases, the seminar considers how these mechanisms vary across different historical and regional contexts, including the effects of colonialism, state formation, military power, social divisions, and international relations. Discussion Questions 1. What distinguishes competitive authoritarianism from electoral democracy and closed authoritarianism? 2. Which political arenas are most consequential in the country or region you know best? 3. How does polarization encourage citizens to trade democratic principles for partisan or group interests? 4. Does the concept of competitive authoritarianism travel successfully across regions? What histories or institutions does it overlook? 5. What evidence would demonstrate authoritarian consolidation, democratic resilience, or democratic recovery? |
| 第 9 週 | Week 9 — Desiring Authority: Mass Psychology, Cultural Backlash, and the Affective Life of Authoritarianism Readings 1. Theodor W. Adorno, “Freudian Theory and the Pattern of Fascist Propaganda,” in The Essential Frankfurt School Reader, ed. Andrew Arato and Eike Gebhardt (New York: Continuum, 1982), 118–137. 2. Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart, “The Cultural Backlash Theory,” in Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 32–64. 3. Danny Osborne, Thomas H. Costello, John Duckitt, and Chris G. Sibley, “The Psychological Causes and Societal Consequences of Authoritarianism,” Nature Reviews Psychology 2 (2023): 220–232. Extended Reading Theodor W. Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality (1950), Chapters I, VII and XIX. Summary This week examines authoritarianism as an object of desire, identification, and affective investment. The readings connect the psychological mechanisms of submission, aggression, and identification with broader transformations in culture, political economy, and social hierarchy. Rather than treating authoritarianism as a fixed personality disorder, the seminar asks how authoritarian dispositions are produced and activated under historically specific conditions, and how these processes vary across societies shaped by colonialism, racialization, religion, gender, economic insecurity, and political violence. Discussion Questions 1. Why might people desire authority rather than merely submit to it? 2. How does identification with a leader transform insecurity into collective belonging and aggression? 3. Are authoritarian attitudes stable personality traits, or are they activated by politically constructed threats? 4. Does the cultural-backlash thesis travel successfully across different regions and histories? 5. How do colonialism, racialization, religion, caste and gender shape locally specific forms of authoritarian desire? 6. What are the limitations of explaining authoritarian politics through individual psychology? |
| 第 10 週 | Week 10 — Who Are “the People”? Populism, Representation, and Democratic Institutions Readings 1. Jan-Werner Müller, What Is Populism? (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), Introduction and Chapter 1, pp. 1–40. 2. Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser and Paul Taggart, “Populism and Democracy: The Road Ahead,” PS: Political Science & Politics 58, no. 1 (2025): 96–100. 3. Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, “Subverting Democracy,” in How Democracies Die (New York: Crown, 2018), Chapter 4. Extended Readings 1. International IDEA, “Conditions and Consequences of Populism and Democratic Backsliding” (2019). 2. Daniel F. Wajner, Sandra Destradi, and Michael Zürn, “The Effects of Global Populism: Assessing the Populist Impact on International Affairs,” International Affairs 100, no. 5 (2024): 1819–1833. Summary This week examines the contested relationship between populism, popular sovereignty, and democratic institutions. The readings analyze how populist leaders claim exclusive representation of the “real people,” how such claims can legitimize the weakening of institutional constraints, and how failures of representation and elite enabling contribute to populist mobilization. Through comparative cases, the seminar considers when appeals to the people expand democratic participation and when they produce exclusion, executive concentration, and authoritarian transformation. Discussion Questions 1. What distinguishes populism from popular politics, nationalism, majoritarianism and authoritarianism? 2. Who constitutes “the real people” in a populist project, and who is excluded? 3. Is populism inherently antidemocratic, or can it expose and correct failures of democratic representation? 4. How do populist governments transform courts, elections, media and public administration? 5. Why do some democratic institutions withstand populist pressure while others collapse? 6. How does populism take different forms across colonial, racial, religious and regional histories? |
| 第 11 週 | Week 11 — Algorithmic Governmentality: Prediction, Subjectivation, and Digital Regimes of Truth Readings 1. Antoinette Rouvroy and Thomas Berns, “Algorithmic Governmentality and Prospects of Emancipation: Disparateness as a Precondition for Individuation through Relationships?” Réseaux 177, no. 1 (2013): 163–196. 2. Antoinette Rouvroy and Bernard Stiegler, “The Digital Regime of Truth: From the Algorithmic Governmentality to a New Rule of Law,” La Deleuziana 3 (2016): 6–29. 3. Paola Ricaurte, Edgar Gómez-Cruz, and Ignacio Siles, “Algorithmic Governmentality in Latin America: Sociotechnical Imaginaries, Neocolonial Soft Power, and Authoritarianism,” Big Data & Society 11, no. 1 (2024). Extended Reading Alexandra James et al., “From Access and Transparency to Refusal: Three Responses to Algorithmic Governance,” Internet Policy Review 12, no. 2 (2023). Summary This week examines algorithmic governmentality as a mode of power operating through datafication, correlation, profiling, and the pre-emption of possible behaviour. Algorithmic systems construct data doubles and intervene upon inferred propensities rather than addressing individuals primarily as speaking and reflexive subjects. The readings explore how algorithmic calculation transforms regimes of truth, legal judgment, political contestation, and processes of subjectivation. They also situate algorithmic governance within colonial histories, global technological dependencies, corporate infrastructures, and existing structures of racial and social inequality. Discussion Questions 1. How does algorithmic knowledge transform the relationship between truth, knowledge, and power? 2. What are the political consequences of governing people according to predicted rather than actual behaviour? 3. Does algorithmic governmentality produce subjects, or attempt to bypass subjectivity? 4. How do algorithmic systems redistribute legal judgment and political responsibility? 5. How do colonial histories and technological dependencies shape algorithmic governance across different regions? 6. Are transparency and human oversight adequate responses, or do some systems require refusal? |
| 第 12 週 | Week 12 — Surveillance Capitalism: Data Extraction, Platform Power, and the State Readings 1. Shoshana Zuboff, “Big Other: Surveillance Capitalism and the Prospects of an Information Civilization,” Journal of Information Technology 30, no. 1 (2015): 75–89. 2. Jathan Sadowski, “When Data Is Capital: Datafication, Accumulation, and Extraction,” Big Data & Society 6, no. 1 (2019): 1–12. 3. Yvonne Jooste, “Surveillance Capitalism as White World-Making,” Acta Academica 53, no. 1 (2021). Extended Readings 1. Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society (2015), Chapters 1–2. 2. Sarah Brayne, “Big Data Surveillance: The Case of Policing,” American Sociological Review 82, no. 5 (2017): 977–1008. Summary This week examines surveillance capitalism as a political-economic regime in which human experience is rendered as data, accumulated as an asset, and processed for prediction, intervention, and profit. The readings analyze behavioural surplus, data extraction, platform power, and the racialized and colonial histories of surveillance. The seminar also investigates how data, technologies, and infrastructures circulate between corporations and states, producing hybrid arrangements of commercial exploitation, public administration, policing, and population control. Discussion Questions 1. Is data a commodity, an asset, or a form of capital? 2. What is extracted and accumulated under surveillance capitalism? 3. Is surveillance capitalism historically unprecedented, or does it extend colonial and racialized forms of extraction? 4. Through which institutions and infrastructures are corporate and state surveillance connected? 5. Why are different populations subjected to different intensities and forms of surveillance? 6. Are privacy, consent, and data ownership adequate responses to surveillance capitalism? |
| 第 13 週 | Week 13 — Logistical and Computational Infrastructures: Territory, Circulation, and Sovereignty Readings 1. Deborah Cowen, “From National Borders to Global Seams: The Rise of Supply Chain Security,” in The Deadly Life of Logistics: Mapping Violence in Global Trade (2014), 53–90. 2. Benjamin H. Bratton, “The Stack: Platform and Sovereignty,” in The Stack: On Software and Sovereignty (2016). Alternatively, “The Black Stack” (2014), open PDF. 3. Charmaine Chua, Martin Danyluk, Deborah Cowen, and Laleh Khalili, “Introduction: Turbulent Circulation—Building a Critical Engagement with Logistics,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 36, no. 4 (2018): 617–629. Extended Readings 1. Martin Danyluk, “Seizing the Means of Circulation: Choke Points and Logistical Resistance in Coco Solo, Panama,” Antipode 55, no. 5 (2023): 1368–1389. 2. Benjamin H. Bratton, “Computation in Motion: From the Personal to the Planetary” (2026). Summary This week examines logistical and computational infrastructures as forms of political and geopolitical power. The readings analyze how supply chains, ports, corridors, cloud platforms, and planetary-scale computation reorganize territory, jurisdiction, security, and labour. Rather than treating infrastructure as a neutral system that connects pre-existing spaces, the seminar investigates how infrastructures actively produce new political geographies, distribute mobility and immobility, and acquire functions conventionally associated with sovereignty. Discussion Questions 1. How do infrastructures produce rather than merely connect political territories? 2. Why does the pursuit of frictionless circulation generate new borders and security regimes? 3. Under what conditions do infrastructures acquire, share, or displace sovereign functions? 4. How does platform sovereignty differ from territorial state sovereignty? 5. Whose labour sustains logistical and computational infrastructures? 6. Can chokepoints and infrastructural breakdowns become sites of political resistance? |
| 第 14 週 | Week 14 — From Empire to Data Colonialism: Infrastructure, Governmentality, and Resistance Readings 1. Nick Couldry and Ulises A. Mejias, “Data Colonialism: Rethinking Big Data’s Relation to the Contemporary Subject,” Television & New Media 20, no. 4 (2019): 336–349. 2. Abeba Birhane, “Algorithmic Colonization of Africa,” SCRIPTed 17, no. 2 (2020): 389–409. 3. Benedetta Brevini et al., “Critiques of Data Colonialism,” in Dialogues in Data Power: Shifting Response-abilities in a Datafied World (2024), 120–137. Extended Readings 1. Nick Couldry and Ulises A. Mejias, “The Decolonial Turn in Data and Technology Research: What Is at Stake and Where Is It Heading?” Information, Communication & Society 26, no. 4 (2023): 786–802. 2. Antoinette Rouvroy, “Algorithmic Governmentality and the Death of Politics” (2020). Summary This concluding week brings together the course’s central concerns with empire, sovereignty, governmentality, authoritarianism, capital, logistics, and digital infrastructure. Data colonialism is examined as a contested framework for understanding how human life and social relations are rendered available for extraction, classification, prediction, and governance. The readings connect contemporary data practices to histories of colonialism while also questioning analogies that obscure material violence, labour, ecological extraction, and regionally specific experiences. Rather than assuming either direct historical continuity or complete technological novelty, the seminar develops a critical genealogy of how governmental logics are translated and reassembled under new infrastructural conditions. It concludes by examining regulation, refusal, local knowledge, collective ownership, infrastructural struggle, and technological plurality as possible forms of resistance. Discussion Questions 1. What is gained and obscured by describing data extraction as colonialism? 2. Is data colonialism an analogy, a continuity, or a rearticulation of colonial power? 3. How are territory, population, security, and sovereignty reorganized through digital infrastructures? 4. How do capitalism, authoritarian desire, and coloniality intersect in contemporary data governance? 5. Does national digital sovereignty challenge colonial dependency, or can it strengthen domestic authoritarianism? 6. What would decolonizing data and digital infrastructure require beyond representation, transparency, and local data ownership? 7. Where can resistance occur: in law, design, labour, community knowledge, refusal, or infrastructural disruption? |
| 第 15 週 | Week 15 Preparation for final paper |
| 第 16 週 | Week 16 Final Paper Presentation |
English Course Description Authoritarian Governance and Digital Infrastructure Course Description Following the end of the Cold War, the world briefly experienced what appeared to be a period of democratic expansion. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, however, global politics has increasingly exhibited a clear trend of authoritarian resurgence and democratic backsliding. This phenomenon is no longer confined to a small number of non-democratic states but appears in various forms across diverse institutional contexts. From electoral authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, to securitized governance in the Middle East and Latin America, and to highly institutionalized state governance systems in Asia, authoritarian tendencies have gradually become embedded in everyday governance through legal reforms, administrative mechanisms, technological systems, and political narratives. Even in countries traditionally regarded as consolidated democracies, such as the United States during the presidency of Donald Trump, political practices have demonstrated how certain authoritarian governing techniques can gradually emerge from within democratic institutions. This course builds on my forthcoming book, Tianxia and Its Discontents: Confucian Political Theology, Coloniality, and the Global Order (Routledge, 2026), and continues to explore, from an interdisciplinary theoretical perspective, the desires underlying the governance of tianxia. The central premise of the course is that authoritarianism should not be understood merely as a regime classification but as a political desire and governing logic. Under conditions of social anxiety, economic transformation, and intensifying geopolitical competition, societies and political elites may gradually develop a demand for order, centralized authority, and comprehensive governance. This demand constitutes what the course conceptualizes as authoritarian desire. When such a desire converges with specific administrative techniques, legal mechanisms, and instruments of governance, it can give rise to a mode of rule capable of operating across different institutional contexts. From a historical perspective, the course will revisit the despotic governance model of imperial China, particularly during the High Qing period. Through institutions such as population administration, ideological regulation, frontier governance, and a complex bureaucratic system, the imperial state developed highly centralized and institutionalized techniques of rule that enabled the court to manage vast territories and diverse populations. These historical governing techniques provide an important reference point for understanding transformations in contemporary governance. At the contemporary level, the course will further analyze how digital infrastructures are reshaping governing techniques. Data systems, algorithmic governance, artificial intelligence, and global digital networks have significantly expanded the capacity for population monitoring, information integration, and administrative management. These technologies do not necessarily produce authoritarian regimes; however, they greatly expand the technical conditions under which authoritarian desire can be operationalized. Through case studies of China’s Digital Silk Road and the global expansion of digital infrastructures, the course will examine a broader question: when authoritarian desire, governing techniques, and digital infrastructures converge, are we witnessing the emergence of a new form of global governance—what this course conceptualizes as Digital Tianxia? By bringing together political theory, historical institutions, and technological infrastructures, the course aims to rethink how power operates in the twenty-first century and to explore the possible transformation of authoritarian governance in the digital age. Conceptual Clarification: Authoritarian Desire, Despotic Governance, and the Imperial Legacy In this study, the term “authoritarian desire” is translated into Chinese as 「專制慾望」 rather than the more commonly used 「威權慾望」. This translation reflects a conceptual distinction that is crucial for the analytical framework developed here. In contemporary political science, “authoritarianism” is typically employed as a regime classification, referring to political systems characterized by limited political pluralism and concentrated executive authority. Within this framework, the term is conventionally translated as 「威權體制」, following the typology developed by Juan J. Linz. The present study, however, approaches authoritarianism not primarily as a regime type but as a form of governmentality—a configuration of political rationalities, administrative techniques, and infrastructural capacities through which power is exercised. The analytical focus therefore lies not on institutional classification but on the desire for order, hierarchy, and control that animates certain forms of governance. This desire may emerge across different institutional contexts, including within formally democratic systems. The translation 「專制慾望」 is particularly appropriate in this context because it resonates with a longer historical tradition of political thought in East Asia. In Chinese historical discourse, the term 「專制」 has often been used to describe the concentration of sovereign authority within imperial governance. During the high Qing period, the imperial state developed sophisticated techniques of centralized rule that combined bureaucratic administration, population registration, frontier management, and ideological control. Institutions such as the banner system, the memorial system, and the elaborate administrative hierarchy enabled the imperial court to monitor and regulate both officials and subjects across vast territories. These mechanisms did not rely solely on coercion; rather, they constituted a complex apparatus of governance that integrated administrative procedures, moral discourse, and territorial management into a highly centralized political order. Understanding this historical configuration helps illuminate how despotic governance functioned as a system of techniques rather than merely as a form of personal rule. The Qing imperial state exercised authority through a dense network of administrative instruments designed to manage populations, regulate knowledge, and secure imperial sovereignty across diverse regions. In this sense, imperial governance already exhibited elements of what might be described, in Foucauldian terms, as a distinctive form of governmentality. This historical perspective becomes particularly significant when examining contemporary transformations in digital governance. The development of algorithmic administration, large-scale data infrastructures, and artificial intelligence dramatically expands the technical capacities through which states can observe, classify, and manage populations. These infrastructures do not automatically produce authoritarian regimes; however, they significantly enhance the technical possibilities through which authoritarian—or more precisely, despotic—desires for order and control may be operationalized. In this sense, authoritarianism should not be understood merely as a regime type but as a political desire that continually seeks new technical and infrastructural means for its realization. The analytical framework proposed in this study therefore examines contemporary governance through the interaction of desire, technique, and infrastructure, exploring how the convergence of these dimensions may give rise to new configurations of power in the digital age—what this study conceptualizes as the emerging order of Digital Tianxia. From Imperial Governmentality to Digital Tianxia Seen from a longer historical perspective, the emergence of digital governance may be understood not simply as a technological transformation but as part of a broader reconfiguration of political power. The highly centralized administrative system of the high Qing dynasty demonstrated how imperial sovereignty could be sustained through a dense network of governing techniques—population registration, bureaucratic memorial systems, frontier administration, and ideological regulation. These mechanisms constituted a form of imperial governmentality that enabled the state to manage vast territories and diverse populations through institutionalized procedures of surveillance, reporting, and administrative coordination. Contemporary digital infrastructures expand these capacities on an unprecedented scale. Data systems, algorithmic classification, and artificial intelligence dramatically increase the speed and scope through which populations can be monitored, categorized, and governed. What once required layers of bureaucratic mediation can now be executed through automated computational processes operating across global networks. In this sense, digital infrastructures may be seen as the technological extension of earlier governing logics that sought to centralize information, coordinate administrative authority, and maintain political order. The concept of Digital Tianxia therefore captures more than a geopolitical project. It points to the possibility that new technological infrastructures are rearticulating older aspirations toward comprehensive governance. When the political desire for order converges with advanced governing techniques and digital infrastructures, a new configuration of power emerges—one that extends beyond territorial sovereignty and reorganizes governance across planetary networks. Analytical Framework The course is organized around three analytical dimensions: Desire – Technique – Infrastructure Desire The psychological, ideological, and social forces that produce demand for authoritarian order. Technique Institutional and administrative mechanisms that operationalize authoritarian governance. Infrastructure The technological systems—data networks, algorithms, AI, digital platforms—through which contemporary governance is increasingly executed. Learning Outcomes By the end of this course, students will: Understand major theories of authoritarianism. Analyze the institutional techniques of authoritarian governance. Examine historical precedents of authoritarian governance in imperial systems. Evaluate the transformation of governance in the digital age. Develop original research on authoritarian governance and digital infrastructures.
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- 聯絡方式
- Email: joyceliu@nycu.edu.tw
